What the political leadership in Lebanon is saying about the trilateral framework agreement signed by Lebanon, Israel, and the United States in Washington on June 26 does not fully correspond to what is happening on the ground, as the first step in this long process is facing numerous obstacles.

According to the Lebanese Army command, considerable ambiguity surrounds the launch of the first phase. The areas selected by Israel pose a problem in terms of their classification. They are not occupied areas in the full sense of the term. They contain occupied positions, but they are not entirely occupied, as is the case in Ghandourieh and Froun. Rather, they are areas that are currently militarily exposed, meaning they are vulnerable due to Israel’s military superiority and will remain so even after the measures agreed upon are implemented.

At this level, this means that Israel will not withdraw from the initial pilot areas. Instead, it will monitor the implementation of the agreed measures in relatively free areas and base its future steps on the results.

Accordingly, the first phase of implementing the framework agreement will not involve the liberation of land. Rather, it appears to be closer to subjecting the Lebanese Army to a test of coordination with Israel, nothing more and nothing less. This is the first challenge facing the implementation of the framework agreement.

This is an issue that the round of technical negotiations scheduled for July 14 and 15 is not expected to resolve, as no meeting between the US, Lebanese, and Israeli militaries is planned during this round. The round is dedicated to establishing technical committees tasked with beginning discussions on other issues mentioned in the framework agreement, such as the border between the two countries, among others.

The second challenge regarding the start of work in the pilot areas concerns the entity that will verify the accuracy of the implementation, especially since the US military has declined to assume this role. Will a specific country undertake this task? If so, has contact already been made and have the necessary approvals been obtained? Or will the task be assigned to an entity operating within UNIFIL? If that is the case, has it secured the approvals required from the United Nations to carry out its mission?

The most important question is who has the authority to determine that the Lebanese Army has fulfilled the required measures. Will confirmation of proper implementation require Israel’s approval? If the verification body concludes that the Lebanese Army has carried out its obligations properly but Israel rejects that assessment, will the Lebanese Army then be expected to act in accordance with the Israeli objection? If it does, would it not effectively become a body that implements Israeli objections?

The third challenge is constitutional issue. The framework agreement assumes that the Lebanese Army will coordinate with the Israeli military, even if this takes place through the US side. However, what constitutional cover exists for such meetings?

The Mechanism Committee, which has not yet been legally dissolved, conducted its work under a decision issued by the Council of Ministers approving the November 26, 2024 understanding. At present, however, the committee being established between Lebanon, Israel, and the United States lacks a decision issued by the Lebanese government.

The framework agreement itself may not require ratification by the Council of Ministers. However, if this mechanism establishes, even indirectly, coordination between the Lebanese and Israeli militaries, should it not be supported by a solid constitutional basis?

These and other issues are being raised by the Lebanese Army command during its coordination meetings with US officials, as well as with Lebanese officials, as it seeks satisfactory answers. There is a belief that many of these questions will remain unresolved until President General Joseph Aoun returns from Washington, where he is scheduled to discuss all their details with US President Donald Trump on July 21.

He is also expected to raise them with senior US administration officials, particularly US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who has pledged to put forward an ambitious program to support the Lebanese Army and the Lebanese state so that the pilot areas become something all southern residents aspire to, rather than something desired by Israel. Will Aoun succeed in resolving these obstacles in Washington? Will he be able to secure an ambitious support program?

Until then, the Lebanese Army command continues to raise tough questions, which, according to informed sources, has drawn Israeli displeasure. The sources say that the Israeli leadership has asked the United States to pressure Aoun into dismissing General Rodolphe Haykal as Commander of the Lebanese Army.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed by the writers are their own and do not necessarily represent the views of Annahar