If the twentieth century in the Arab world was largely occupied with questions of national liberation, state-building, and political independence—with liberation movements achieving mixed results, whose consequences we reap today—then that has become history.

The twenty-first century imposes questions that are different and more complex than those posed by post-World War II generations, given our current confusion and disarray.

The world is changing at an unprecedented pace across nearly all fields. The global economy is being reshaped, artificial intelligence is entering all aspects of life, and international competition is increasingly driven by knowledge and innovation rather than traditional resources.

Meanwhile, in the Arab world and the Middle East, many societies are still engaged in conflicts of earlier centuries—dividing countries along sectarian and ethnic lines, weakening states that were built without fulfilling their aspirations, and becoming entangled in military and ideological struggles, most of which are disconnected from the present.

Amid these transformations, the Arab world faces a decisive question: can it build a new social contract that overcomes the crises of the past—including sectarian, ethnic, denominational, and regional divisions—and establish a more stable relationship between the state and society?

The concept of a social contract is not new. Political philosophers have long used it to explain the relationship between authority and society, yet its content evolves from one era to another depending on the challenges societies face.

Although many of our societies have formally adopted a social contract in the form of a “constitution,” it has often remained little more than ink on paper in most countries, while social inheritances have prevailed over citizenship and equality. In the Arab context, the need to renew the social contract has become more urgent than ever.

However, discussion around it remains limited, as public agendas are dominated by wars, claims of ethnic superiority, sectarian intolerance, and various myths. This makes it necessary to develop new concepts and place them on serious discussion agendas, most notably the following:

First: From a Protective State to an Empowering State.

In earlier stages, citizens viewed the state primarily as an entity that provides security and basic services. While these functions remain essential, they are no longer sufficient. The modern state is now expected to empower its citizens to compete in a highly complex world. It must provide advanced, high-quality education, a stimulating and competitive economic environment, institutions capable of keeping pace with technological progress, and modern legislation. Thus, the success of the state will no longer be measured only by its protective capacity, but also by its ability to empower people.

Second: Citizenship as the Foundation of Modern Legitimacy.

International experiences show that the most stable societies are those in which citizens feel they are genuine partners in the nation, rather than belonging to different categories or social classes with unequal privileges. This sense is achieved not only through rhetoric but through the daily practice of justice, equality, and equal opportunity. A citizen does not evaluate the value of their citizenship by what is said, but by what they experience in daily life. When a citizen is convinced that the law protects them and that their future depends on their effort rather than the accident of birth, trust in citizenship is strengthened.

Third: Surpassing Old Divisions.

Identity, sectarian, and tribal conflicts have drained much of the Arab region’s energy over past decades. This does not mean ignoring particular identities or eliminating diversity; rather, it means placing them in their natural context as cultural elements, not as instruments of social conflict. The new century imposes challenges too large for any single group, sect, or even region to face alone. Success requires the mobilization of communities and, in some cases, regions or broader formations.

Fourth: Knowledge as the Basis of New Power.

In the past, power was measured by population size, land area, or natural resources. Today, the most influential countries are those with the greatest capacity to produce knowledge. Accordingly, universities, research centers, thinkers, and laboratories have become part of national security. A society that possesses knowledge becomes more capable of safeguarding its independence.

Fifth: The Arabian Gulf as a Potential Model.

The Gulf countries possess a rare historical opportunity: they have energy resources, advanced infrastructure, a gradually improving level of education, and, most importantly, they retain their elites, with growing capabilities in technology and investment. However, true success lies in building human capacities capable of securing the future beyond the oil era, leading to the establishment of a comprehensive “unified” system as a guarantee of sustainability.

Sixth: From Crisis Management to Shaping the Future.

A defining feature of much Arab discourse is its focus on crisis management rather than shaping the future. Debates about the past consume energy and deepen divisions. This does not mean ignoring history, but rather placing it in its proper scale. Nations cannot change what happened yesterday, but they can decide what they will do tomorrow.

Seventh: A balanced state and just society

The new social contract can be summarized as a strong state governed by law, not by individuals; equal citizenship; modern education based on thinking and knowledge; a productive economy; responsible media; and respect for diversity.